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Posted on: 9:02 pm, April 22, 2014, by Alix Bryan, updated on: 09:16pm, April 22, 2014 The tweet heard around the world, or the sound of an idea plummeting from its original conception to a very low point, was first fired off Tuesday afternoon. The premise was simple: the New York Police Department wanted the public to submit a picture of New York City citizens with any of its officers. They created a hashtag: #MyNYPD The social media campaign took a sharp turn, as people began to submit photos of what they said were examples of police brutality.
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For many in Wales this winter will be grim, 10,000 people working in the public sector have already lost their jobs this year and another 21,000 job cuts are predicted, and while politicians fiddle expenses on their second homes, it is predicted that 36 people will lose their only home every day from now until Christmas.
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A couple months ago, aGallup pollrecorded a small uptick in the percentage of Americans who identify as liberal to 23 percent, or what Gallup, eliding the margin of error in the poll, called a new high. My Post colleague Chris Cillizzawonderedif liberal was no longer a dirty word.
We will see. After all, there were far more conservatives in that Gallup poll, which, for some, means were still a center-right nation. But whether people call themselves conservative isnt necessarily that telling in the first place. A recent book by two political scientists shows that liberal may be a dirty word, but liberalism is alive and well even among people who call themselves conservative.
In Ideology in America, Christopher Ellis and James Stimson describe a striking disjuncture. When identifying themselves in a word, Americans choose conservative far more than liberal. In fact they have done so for 70 years, and increasingly so since the early 1960s.
But when it comes to saying what the government should actually do, the public appears more liberal than conservative. Ellis and Stimson gathered 7,000 survey questions dating back to 1956 that asked some variant of whether the government should do more, less, or the same in lots of different policy areas. On average, liberal responses were more common than conservative responses. This has been true in nearly every year since 1956, even as the relative liberalism of the public has trended up and down. For decades now there has been a consistent discrepancy between what Ellis and Stimson call symbolic ideology (how we label ourselves) and operational ideology (what we really think about the size of government).
Looked at this way, almost 30 percent of Americans are consistent liberals people who call themselves liberals and have liberal politics. Only 15 percent are consistent conservatives people who call themselves conservative and have conservative politics. Nearly 30 percent are people who identify as conservative but actually express liberal views. The United States appears to be a center-right nation in name only.
This raises the question: why are so many people identifying as conservative while simultaneously preferring more government? For some conservatives, it is because they associate the label with religion, culture or lifestyle. In essence, when they identify as conservative, they are thinking about conservatism in terms of family structure, raising children, or interpreting the Bible. Conservatism is about their personal lives, not their politics.
But other self-identified conservatives, though, are conservative in terms of neither religion and culture nor the size of government. These are the truly conflicted conservatives, say Ellis and Stimson, who locate their origins in a different factor: how conservatives and liberals have traditionally talked about politics. Conservatives, they argue, talk about politics in terms of symbols and the general value of conservatism and news coverage, they find, usually frames the label conservative in positive terms. Liberals talk about policy in terms of the goals it will serve a cleaner environment, a stronger safety net, and so on which are also good things for many people. As a result, some people internalize both messages and end up calling themselves conservative but having liberal views on policy.
Ideology has two faces: the labels people choose and the actual content of their beliefs. For liberals, these are mostly aligned. For conservatives, they are not. American conservatism means different things to different people. For many, what it doesnt mean is less government.
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INDIANAPOLIS The Indiana House of Representatives voted 57-40 on Tuesday in support of House Joint Resolution 3 which aims to constitutionally ban gay marriage in the state.
Although gay marriage is already not recognized in Indiana, the addition of this amendment to the state’s constitution could potentially make marriage equality more difficult in the future.
The vote in support of HJR 3 came just one day after a bipartisan vote by Representatives of 52-43 to remove a sentence addressing civil unions from this amendment. As it was passed by the House, the amendment reads, Only a marriage between one (1) man and one (1) woman shall be valid or recognized as a marriage in Indiana.
The second sentence of this amendment, which was removed by the House vote, read, A legal status identical or substantially similar to that of marriage for unmarried individuals shall not be valid or recognized. This sentence applies to civil unions and similar arrangements.
Rep. Eric Turner, R-Cicero, who authored the amendment, believes it should have been voted on as it was originally drafted. He told the Associated Press, I believe the HJR 3, as written, is the right public policy for the state of Indiana. The second sentence simply prevents marriage by any other name.”
Rep. Tom Dermody, R-La Porte, voted in favor of HJR 3 and against Monday’s vote to remove the second sentence.
As the vote now moves to the State Senate, however, the sentence could be added back in before the public has a chance to vote on the issue.
The process to amend the state constitution requires that the resolution be approved in back-to-back sessions of the General Assembly before it can be voted on by the public. This means that the earliest the issues could be presented to Indiana voters would be during the November 2016 election.
Consider that the measure still must pass through the mysterious ways of the Indiana Senate. Just as the second sentence was removed in the Indiana House, it certainly can be put back into HJR 3 by our state senators, which means we will be right back at square one on this issue, Pelath said.
But even if the Senate finds favor with the will expressed on Monday by a bipartisan group of House members, there remains one inescapable fact. This disturbing and nationally embarrassing debate will continue to consume our energies, he said.
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Los Angeles Kings Left Wing Tanner Pearson
The Los Angeles Kings are in town to play the Boston Bruins on Monday, January 20, 2014. Manchester Monarchs Vice President of Public Affairs Kimberly Muelle…
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Occupy Houston Suicide by Cop Shooting The video hadn't been shown to the public until now.
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The revolution is no longer a fragile or tentative one. When I arrived in Los Angeles nine years ago, the city had just begun to turn away from a largely private urbanism and toward a new embrace of the public realm. The first phase of the Gold Line light-rail route, from downtown to Pasadena, had recently opened; construction on the Expo Line had yet to begin.
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A new L.A. identity takes shape in 2013 as city embraces urban life
This forum is designed to bring together essays, critical commentary, and eventually research of social scientists on the Occupy Movement.
Peter Macdiarmid / Getty The activists are hoping to make a legal claim on the building, presumably under the UK’s squatter’s rights law, and plan to open a “bank of ideas” there.
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